- 18 -
like to - on financial grounds, is seeking a move with unpredictable but
almost certainly unfavourable social consequences. Although there is
insufficient reliability in the figures to be certain, and factors such
as differences in economic wealth and the seasonal swings already men-
tioned also cause variations parish to parish, a casual inspection of
the presented parish accounts does suggest that weekly giving parishes
generate more income per head than special occasion givers; and one
opinion expressed was that at a bazaar "you've got to give them value
for money"
(C7)
i.e. that payment was being made for the value of the
goods rather than the value of the religion. But other points that
emerged from enquiries made along these lines (since it did seem to
be a theme so important to the study) suggested that there is much
more involved here than is immediately evident, and that making too
hasty conclusions might be rash. Among them the cycle of life in
country areas facilitates special occasion giving, as income is
received at long intervals (e.g. after harvest) so does it tend to
be given
(C4)
; at a cathedral gift day 80% of the money, came from 20%
of the givers
(C7)
(readers familiar with Pareto analysis (B20)
will note
the figures with interest); there tends to be a correlation between
regular giving and the central committed core of the congregation,
(see also Figure 3 which again displays Pareto features); the role
of the incumbent is crucial - "a charismatic clergyman can raise
money hand over fist"
(C4)
- but many clergymen "are embarrassed at
having to ask for money"
(C7)
; and a thoughtful but unproven sugges-
tion that when a fete or a gift day is known to be coming, weekly
giving is reduced to provide a reserve from which the special giving
can be made
(C3)
. Should that be so it would have very interesting
implications when considering the marketing of the Church of England,
since it would imply that the parishioner is placing a measurable
